Why gender roles are important

Children then receive parental approval when they conform to gender expectations and adopt culturally accepted and conventional roles. All of this is reinforced by additional socializing agents, such as the media. In other words, learning gender roles always occurs within a social context, the values of the parents and society being passed along to the children of successive generations.

Gender roles adopted during childhood normally continue into adulthood. Males, on the other hand, are more likely than females to value working with tools and machines and making lots of money, as well as to aspire to careers within traditional male dominant STEM domains Su et al.

According to the Eccles et al. Thus, gender differences in valuing and subsequent choices are likely results of internalized cultural values and social expectations linked to such belief systems as gender roles see Eccles et al.

Amongst important internalized social and cultural values are the general beliefs about responsibilities and behaviors deemed appropriate for women and men Eccles et al. Research has shown that traditional gender role beliefs are more strongly endorsed by men than women Larsen and Long, ; Brewster and Padavic, They are also key predictors of their aspirations and both educational and occupational choices e. Women who endorse traditional gender role beliefs related to family and work roles are more likely to focus on family responsibilities with consequences for the choices they make with regards to educational and occupational aspirations and attainment.

Female participation in higher education has increased as the prevalence of traditional family related gender role beliefs decreased over time Brooks and Bolzendahl, ; Goldin, Furthermore, Scott found a direct link between traditional gender role beliefs and educational attainment: Using data from a National Panel study in Britain, females holding more traditional beliefs about family and work were more likely to show worse performance in their high school exams than females not endorsing traditional beliefs.

For instance, Corrigall and Konrad found that women with more traditional attitudes in their early twenties worked fewer hours and had lower income than women with more egalitarian views in their late twenties using a large nationwide United States sample.

In addition, Christie-Mizell found that endorsement of traditional gender role beliefs was most strongly associated with a decrease in income for white women compared to white and black men and black women within a large-scale longitudinal United States sample. Although traditional gender role beliefs have become less prevalent over time Bolzendahl and Myers, ; Brooks and Bolzendahl, ; Raley et al. According to the Expectancy-Value theoretical framework Eccles et al. Thus, traditional gender role beliefs likely drive across gender differences in STEM-related occupational attainment.

With males typically holding more traditional gender role beliefs, they are more likely to seek out high status jobs and thus, pursue STEM-related careers than females, in particular in the traditional STEM fields.

However, the impact of traditional gender role beliefs is likely to be even more complex and might be able to also explain within gender variation in STEM occupational choices. In contrast, the more traditional STEM fields, such as physics and engineering, are perceived as male-dominated, isolated, and incompatible with the goals of helping others Eccles et al.

In other words, traditional gender role beliefs should lead those females who go into STEM to be more likely to go into careers in the medical and life sciences than into more traditional STEM fields. The extent to which traditional gender role beliefs can help explain the unequal distribution of females and males in various STEM fields has not been investigated. More specifically, they found that females with more traditional gender role beliefs were more likely to change from an occupational aspiration in math, engineering or physical science in 12th grade to an occupational aspiration outside of these fields at age These links were not found for males.

Frome et al. A higher desire for a family flexible job reported in 12th grade was associated with a change of aspirations away from male-dominated occupational fields by age In sum, gendered beliefs about suitable social roles inform both the pathways and opportunities that are perceived as accessible or socially desirable, as well as the related educational and occupational choices that young people make along the way toward professional attainment. However, despite some exceptions Frome et al.

In addition, there is a lack of studies investigating the associations of traditional gender role beliefs with gendered patterns of STEM-related occupational attainment using a differentiated conceptualization of traditional STEM fields and medical and life sciences. Using a longitudinal dataset and building on work from Frome et al.

Taking into account the within gendered pattern of occupational choices found in previous work by Frome et al. Based on previous research e. We hypothesized that stronger endorsement of traditional gender role beliefs in adolescence would be associated with a reduced likelihood of occupational attainment within male-typed STEM domains i. We also hypothesized that stronger endorsement of traditional gender role beliefs in adolescence would increase the likelihood to be in less male-typed STEM domains i.

Lastly, we hypothesized that traditional gender role beliefs in adolescence would decrease the likelihood of occupational attainment in less male-typed STEM domains i. We hypothesized that across gender differences in educational and STEM occupational attainment will be mediated by traditional gender role beliefs.

Given previous research Brewster and Padavic, , we hypothesized that males will hold more traditional gender role beliefs than females.

Thus, we hypothesized that gender differences in the endorsement of traditional gender role beliefs by males than females will explain differences in rates of educational attainment and STEM-related occupational attainment between males and females.

More specifically, we hypothesized that stronger endorsement of traditional gender role beliefs by males will explain a higher rate of attainment of PMET-related compared to non-STEM occupations. The current study used data from the large scale longitudinal Michigan Study of Adolescent and Adult Life Transitions MSALT that followed 2, participants over a time span of 30 years from the end of elementary school at age 11 into adulthood at age In Wave 10, data was collected through surveys via mail, via phone interviews and via web search using social media profiles i.

For participants located through web search, educational and occupational attainment was assessed using the information presented in online profiles. All measures were assessed using survey questionnaires. Up to Wave 6 of data collection, participants received and filled out surveys at school. Parents filled out surveys at home. In Wave 10, surveys were mailed to prior participants. In addition, four percent of Wave 10 data were collected through phone interviews and 33 percent of Wave 10 were collected via web search.

The scale was developed by Eccles et al. For Wave 10 participants that were located through web search, information was coded using available information. At Wave 10 age 42 participants were asked to report their current occupation. For the present analyses, the open-ended answers were first coded using employment classification standards set by the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics and the standard occupational classification SOC system manual U.

Bureau of Labor Statistics, The categorization of non-STEM occupations was guided by our research question and therefore comprised occupations in the social sciences as well all other occupations including legislators, chief executives and general administrators, teachers, social workers, homemaker, etc. To investigate the longitudinal associations of traditional gender role beliefs in adolescence with occupational and educational STEM attainment in adulthood for females and males, multi-group manifest path analyses by gender were conducted.

In addition, we used the model comparison approach advocated by Judd et al. In this case, we conducted three separate path models comparing the different types of STEM-related careers using the following pair comparisons: LS vs. In the models, educational attainment and STEM occupational attainment in adulthood Wave 10, age 42 were regressed on traditional gender role beliefs in adolescence Waves 5 and 6, ages 16 and Educational attainment also predicted STEM occupational attainment.

To investigate whether gender differences in educational and STEM occupational attainment were mediated by traditional gender role beliefs, separate mediation path analyses were conducted for each of the four outcomes of interest educational attainment, LS vs. For each set of analyses, gender was used to predict the outcome to test for existing gender differences in a first step. Then, a path model was estimated, in which gender and traditional gender role beliefs predict the outcome. In addition, gender predicted traditional gender role beliefs.

In order for mediation to be met, four conditions had to be met: First, gender must be related to the outcome. Second, gender must be related to traditional gender role beliefs. Third, traditional gender role beliefs should be a significant predictor of the outcome. Fourth, gender should no longer significantly predict the outcome. If all four conditions are met, full mediation is supported. If only the first three conditions are met, partial mediation is supported Hayes, Descriptive analyses revealed gender differences in the endorsement of traditional gender role beliefs and educational attainment see Table 1.

As shown in Figure 1 , gender differences in the distribution emerged. Some gender differences in correlation patterns were evident. Traditional gender role beliefs among females were also statistically significantly negatively associated with being in a PMET-related occupation, but positively associated with being in a non-STEM occupation.

Some research and evaluations of development programmes have relied on qualitative data rather than quantitative data. This reliance is criticised by some groups as not being rigorous enough. It is important to acknowledge, however, that gender- and age-disaggregation of data is only the first step.

Data and analysis of the power differentials or underlying causes for these differences is also needed. Ideally, what is required is a mix of quantitative and qualitative data and analysis that presents evidence of what the differences are and why those differences exist.

Gender relations are upheld by both informal and formal institutions. Formal institutions economic, political, legal and social include political systems and labour markets. These two spheres interact with local cultures to determine gender outcomes.

Formal institutions can have both intended and unintended negative impacts on women. A policy which requires land titles as a precondition for receiving agricultural credit may have the unintended effect of excluding women because land ownership is generally concentrated among male family members. Jones, N.

This paper finds that discriminatory family codes, son bias, limited resource entitlements, physical insecurity and restricted civil liberties play a role in chronic poverty, specifically that of young women. Gender dynamics and relations change throughout the course of the lifecycle.

Status in the household is often determined by age, marriage, number of children, disability, economic resources and educational level attained. Recent research has identified adolescent girls as particularly vulnerable and susceptible to gender-based discrimination including sexual violence, forced and early marriage, dropping out of school and risk of death during childbirth.

Daughters-in-law and unmarried women are also considered to have low status in some cultures as they are seen as outsiders or burdens on the family. Widows and married women who have been abandoned by their husbands may also face stigma and lack of status. Families often choose to invest in boys as the future earners and caretakers of the family.

This enables boys to grow up having higher status in the household than girls and better income generating opportunities. While status generally increases according to age for both men and women, it increases disproportionally for men.

Household status determines the roles of different family members. Men are often assumed to be the head of the household and responsible for providing financially for the family, while women and girls are responsible for household chores, such as caring for children, cleaning, fetching water and cooking. Although it is often assumed that households are headed by males, this is not always the case.

In situations of conflict, displacement, labour migration or abandonment, female-headed households may be more common. These are often among the poorest and most vulnerable households. Kabeer, N. It shows that most working women continue to bear a disproportionate burden of domestic responsibility.

Esplen, E. It posits that care work should be recognised as important, and that it should not be the sole responsibility of women. It also reviews policies which can increase the value accorded to care work.

While not always the case, men are more commonly the heads of the household and the breadwinners of the family. In agricultural societies where women often do most of the work, male family members often own the land and make the agricultural decisions. Women have in some instances been able to find ways of negotiating control over resources and decision making. Women are frequently tasked with budgeting for the household either through resources provided by the husband or through petty trading and agricultural labour.

In some cases, women are seen as household financial managers. In other cases, while women may not control the household income, they adopt various strategies to ensure they can access part of these resources. Apusigah, A. This study focuses on livelihoods-based interests in farm land and non-violent conflict situations in northern Ghana.

It argues that the social positioning of women and whether they work on the land or not are important determinants of their livelihood possibilities. Doss, C. Intrahousehold bargaining and resource allocation in developing countries. The World Bank Research Observer, 28 1 , This article provides an overview of the quantitative literature on intra-household resource allocation, and summarises the main observations and insights relevant to policy-makers.

It reviews theoretical models from the last thirty years, and examines different forms of bargaining — between spouses, between parents and children, and between other household members. Unequal power relations do not fall only along gender lines.

In addition to gender, individuals can be discriminated against for a number of reasons including ethnicity and race, religion, caste, age, disability, sexual orientation, socioeconomic status and geographic location. When gender intersects with other axes of marginalisation, women are more likely to experience multiple layers of discrimination. In some cases, these other forms of discrimination can be more intense than gender discrimination.

An ethnic minority man can be less powerful and more discriminated against than a middle class woman from a majority ethnic group, although a female from this same ethnic minority group could face even greater discrimination.

Intersectionality is a tool used to better understand how these discriminations materialise and intersect. It is based on an understanding that men and women have layered identities which have resulted from social relations, history and power structures. As a result of this oppression, many people struggle to reach their full potential.

Therefore, it is critical that we encourage everyone to follow and express their own truth, regardless of gender norms, so that everyone is able contribute fully to our society. Many of the gender stereotypes we know today were not always present in the past; they are relatively new trends in human society.

This is because social expectations of each gender change over time, and often develop differently in cultures around the world. Sara Bobolts, a writer for The Huffington Post , stated how several common gender stereotypes changed over time.

Bobolts describes how gender stereotypes, such as the color blue being for boys and the color pink being for girls, are new concepts. She explains that between the years and , pink was viewed as a masculine color, while blue was seen dainty and soft, making it best suited for females.

Bobolts also states that during the Middle Ages in Europe, high-heels were exclusively for men, rather than women. Furthermore, based on an article published by Pennsylvania State University, many gender roles around the world were dictated by the environment and the needs of a society. For example, in many old Native American and African tribes, cultures were matriarchal, meaning that women were often leaders, healers, and important figures in their communities.

This is different from most Asian and European societies, where men were the only ones with any social or political power. Therefore, depending on the time period or region, gender roles vary drastically. Since these typecasts based on sex are different depending on where and when they are used, they clearly hold no real significance to human society as a whole in this modern age; they were made up and therefore can change.

As a result, they should not be used as a guideline as to how people of a certain sex should behave, because they are not reliable nor constant.

Although many people seem to fit within the specific categories of masculinity or femininity, these generalizations are simple social constructs. Nathaniel Givens, an author for Times and Seasons, also states that gender roles were not invented, but were developed over time, and that they cannot work as generalized distinctions.

Givens also explains how many traditional gender roles were based on the idea that parental duties should not overlap, rather, they be taken care of separately Givens.

For instance, during the Paleolithic Era and early Neolithic Era, during which most societies were nomadic tribal units, men hunted animals for sources of meat, skins, and bones, while women scavenged for roots, nuts, and berries, as well as looked after the children. These tasks held equal importance to early human societies, so both genders were viewed as equal.

Over time, the technological and agricultural developments of the Neolithic Revolution spread, causing more nomadic tribes to settle down into stationary lifestyles. Thus, women began to stay home or within the settlement to take care of children, make clothes, and other domestic tasks, while men worked the fields to grow food, domesticate animals, and continue to hunt, although to a lesser scale.